The Zimmerwald Manifesto (in precise terms, the version of the majority) now had to be translated and publicized in the Netherlands, preferably with more Dutch signatories than Roland Holst alone. The same ponderous debate that had prevailed at Zimmerwald was now extended to Dutch leftist circles. The text raised more questions than answers.
The daily newspapers ignored or trivialized Zimmerwald, whereas Roland Holst had described it as “the first ray of light in the darkness of the night for the millions in the trenches .” She was furious about the trivialization, as she wrote in a letter of September 22, 1915, to Robert Grimm, general secretary of the Zimmerwald conference:
Tonight I am, as you would say, very infuriated. Just imagine: yesterday Het Volk (daily of Dutch Labour) published three sentences from the Manifesto . . . today a short abstract with some citations, half a column altogether. That’s it. Done! They want to keep us under wraps. . . .(Robert Grimm archive B134, read the complete letter)
National sovereign power was the main point of controversy. How did national sovereignty relate to the internationalism that was advocated by Zimmerwald? If the workers were supposed to vote against armament and mobilization, they would be compelled to accept any invasion or attack by a foreign nation. And were they supposed to vote against wars of liberation from colonial powers too?
Holst failed to enthuse either the social democrats’ (SDAP, 25,000 members) or the communists (SDP, 500 members) for the Zimmerwald Manifesto. Even her own little party, the RSV (200 members), did not fully support her, as the Hague branch (50 members), led by Barend Luteraan, finally broke away.
Not averse to power politics, Holst now wanted to rejoin the Labour Party which she had left not long before. Her revolutionary socialists would have to operate as a kind of cell within Labour Party ranks. What if we once again join the Party? When I take the lead, most will follow and our aim would be to keep alive the RSV within the Party, as the nucleus of the minority. . . . I am convinced that at this very moment our propaganda will be effective and we will be able to penetrate. (30 September 1914, Robert Grimm papers B134)
But she was no longer welcome in the SDAP. Various party officials denounced her, but she did not mind. . . . I don’t care at all about the rancor et cetera of our officials nor shall I take to heart the split that will probably occur between Wibaut and myself. (1 October 1915, Robert Grimm papers B134)
